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It is hard to imagine a more contradictory set of results from the first three months of a national leader’s term than those delivered by Donald Trump
The early months of Trump’s tumultuous reign unfolded with the dramatic flair of allegro maestoso (fast and majestic), the sudden intensity of subito forte (suddenly loud), and the passionate energy of con fuoco (with fire). Even as the administration seemed to descend into occasional cacophony, its central theme — «America First» — persistently rose above the noise.
Never before had a U.S. president initiated so much restructuring in such a short time, affecting virtually every social stratum at home and partners abroad — both allies, like Europe, and rivals, like China.
Trump’s first priority, as expected, was restoring order on the home front. This was the mandate given to him by his electorate, and he wasted no time in tackling it. One of his chief concerns was the deterioration of American cities, which in recent years had increasingly resembled lawless slums — a consequence, he argued, of the Biden administration’s failure to control immigration. During Biden’s tenure, an estimated 10.1 million illegal immigrants entered the United States.
Among these migrants, a significant proportion lacked adequate skills, showed little intention of seeking employment, and often refused to integrate into American communities or respect its laws and social norms. To make matters worse, drug cartels exploiting the porous southern border turned many newcomers into dependents or recruited them into organized criminal groups. Trump responded with a crackdown, arresting and imprisoning offenders en masse.
On the ideological front, Trump launched an offensive against what he called the corrosive effects of wokeism and critical race theory. In his view, these doctrines undermined already fragile national unity by promoting a presumption of collective guilt among whites — portraying them as heirs to the racism of the Founding Fathers — and demanding a perpetual state of apology and submission from the descendants of African slaves. As of 2024, African Americans make up approximately 12.47 percent of the U.S. population.
Trump also moved to roll back the cultural reengineering campaign around gender identity. He affirmed the existence of only two biological sexes — male and female — in an attempt to halt what he saw as a systematic effort to dismantle the family unit, a campaign allegedly orchestrated by elite interests seeking to reduce population growth.
His self-proclaimed «common sense revolution» inspired hope among the conservative, predominantly white majority — a demographic that has been shrinking with each passing year. Trump’s ability to tap into the anxieties of both native-born and naturalized Americans resonated deeply. As French historian and anthropologist Emmanuel Todd noted, «The declining white population of the United States is preparing for a final battle against the forces of ethnic diversity, neoliberalism, and multiculturalism».
Nevertheless, there have been significant shortcomings. In particular, Trump has made little progress in curbing the influence of the transnational financial oligarchy, which continues to overshadow America’s real economy — the industrial backbone that once made the United States one of the world’s two economic superpowers. His relationship with the Federal Reserve System — a consortium of private banks with the exclusive right to issue U.S. currency — remains distant and tense.
Trump’s ambitious tariff war, waged against 185 countries and territories, was designed not only to reduce the foreign trade deficit and the federal budget shortfall, but also to create an investment environment conducive to a revival of domestic manufacturing. It was designed to encourage the return of manufacturing facilities that had long since moved overseas. But Trump has already been forced to backtrack twice, and the expected «blitzkrieg» to rebalance global trade remains elusive.
On the domestic front, Trump can rightly claim a number of significant shifts — what the late Soviet diplomat Andrei Gromyko might have called «meaningful movements». But internationally, the picture is far less rosy. So far, Trump’s foreign policy has been characterized more by grandstanding than by substantive achievements. Worse, his actions have inadvertently mobilized a broad coalition of opponents: from globalists still clinging to Francis Fukuyama’s theory of the inevitable triumph of liberal democracy to transatlantic allies now flirting with Beijing in hopes of forging an anti-Trump front.
One of Trump’s most visible failures has been his unsuccessful attempt to resolve the conflict in Ukraine on terms favorable to the United States. The president’s belief in his skills as a master negotiator was shaken when it became apparent that true leverage over Kiev lay not with Washington, but with London. It turned out that the desire to control Ukraine’s rich natural resources was not limited to American strategists; European powers, especially Poland, harbored ambitions of their own.
In the absence of tangible victories to bolster his image after 100 days, Trump has resorted to tactics of sensationalism to capture the public imagination.
One such gambit was Tucker Carlson’s now infamous interview with former Congressman Curt Weldon, in which Weldon claimed that the collapse of the Twin Towers on September 11, 2001 was not the result of hijacked planes, but rather a controlled demolition orchestrated by U.S. intelligence agencies.
The timing and content of Weldon’s claims suggest a deliberate strategy. By reviving conspiracy theories, Trump’s camp may aim to intimidate dissenters within the Republican Party and Congress, while conditioning the broader public to accept even more dramatic revelations of past government misconduct. Such revelations could serve to deflect criticism away from Trump and rally public sympathy to his cause.
The historical parallels are hard to ignore. Trump’s return to power evokes memories of Napoleon’s «Hundred Days» after his escape from Elba — an audacious but ultimately doomed attempt to restore lost glory. Napoleon’s dreams ended at Waterloo.
While Trump has yet to suffer a political defeat comparable to Waterloo, the forces arrayed against him — especially globalist elites resistant to his efforts — are laying political and institutional traps on every policy front.
Trump is now operating under the most severe time constraints. Concrete successes are urgently needed, both on the domestic front and on the global stage.
He needs to achieve these goals for three reasons:
First, to maintain the loyalty of his politically diverse team, which includes both hawkish interventionists and isolationist conservatives.
Second, to send a clear signal to America’s wavering allies in Europe, reassure steadfast partners like Israel, manage the growing rivalry with China, drive a wedge between Moscow and Beijing, and achieve a face-saving exit from Ukraine.
Third, and perhaps most critically, Trump must prevent the globalist and oligarchic factions allied with the Democratic Party from regaining control of Congress in the crucial 2026 midterm elections, where 435 House seats and 33 Senate seats are up for grabs.
A hundred days in, it remains anyone’s guess whether Trump can steer clear of a deep recession (moderate economic pain seems a price he’s willing to pay), rekindle even a modest wave of reindustrialization, and crown himself as a peacemaker — even if that halo ends up being painted on by digital artists.