Why Europe’s far-right parties failed to form a coalition
It was a crystal dream for Marine Le Pen, head of France’s «National Rally». The far-right parties of European countries had reached a point where a super-coalition in the European Parliament seemed possible. These parties are either already in power, like in Italy, on the verge of power, like in France, or leading ruling coalitions, like in Poland.
On the face of it, these parties have made significant strides in elections to the main European structure, enough to alarm the public with the advance of far-right agendas. However, even before the elections, it became clear that forming a coalition might not go smoothly.
Indeed, no fraternization or unification followed. Moreover, if before the elections there were two main factions of the extreme right, now there are three.
The first group is the new formation «Patriots for Europe», created at the initiative of the Hungarian Prime Minister. Naturally, it includes Orbán’s «Fidesz», Marine Le Pen’s «National Rally» from France, led by the party’s chairman Jordan Bardella. The new faction has deputies from 12 countries, with 30 members from France’s «National Rally», 10 from Hungary, and members from Geert Wilders’ Dutch party, Portugal’s far-right «Chega», Flemish separatists, the Czech «Freedom and Direct Democracy», Austria’s «Freedom Party», and Matteo Salvini’s Italian «Lega». Among them is also the former Italian general Roberto Vannacci, dismissed for publishing a racist book.
Orbán aimed to unite like-minded individuals under slogans «against aid to Ukraine», «against illegal immigration», and «for traditional family values». However, the «National Rally» joined the faction for different reasons. According to sociologist and far-right movements expert Erwan Lecoeur, «Le Pen’s party seems to have joined more because of the evident anti-EU sentiments dominating the group, rather than being pro-Putin».
This is one reason why the parties, despite gathering substantial votes, couldn’t agree. They have ideological differences. While all fall under the far-right category, their priorities vary significantly. For instance, nationalism may be a key idea for some, while economic protectionism is paramount for others. However, one unifying factor is anti-immigration policy.
The second far-right faction is the familiar «European Conservatives and Reformists» (ECR), known since 2009. They gained 9 more seats in the elections, bringing their total to 78. These deputies are more oriented towards transatlantic cooperation and are strong supporters of aid to Ukraine.
Giorgia Meloni, the head of Italy’s cabinet, and her «Brothers of Italy» party now form the core of this faction. From the start of her tenure, Meloni has tried to position herself as the unifying figure for European far-right forces. She even sacrificed her eurosceptic beliefs to find common ground with European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, whom Orbán, for example, cannot stand.
Meloni remains in a delicate position. Many far-right politicians view the Italian premier as too pro-European, while the left-wing members of the European Parliament still see her as the leader of a far-right party with fascist roots. Nevertheless, Meloni doesn’t seem to oppose Europe as strongly as Marine Le Pen.
Meloni hoped her faction would become the third force in the parliament, but the Hungarian Prime Minister’s initiative altered her plans. The ECR holds the fourth position in the European Parliament, while the «Patriots» are third, with Orbán hoping they will become the second force.
Personal leadership ambitions are the second reason for the far-right’s failure. Typically, these parties are either founded by charismatic figures or led by individuals who rise through intense conflicts with party members. Why can’t Meloni be in the same faction as Marine Le Pen? An Italian politician put it this way: «There can’t be two queens in one hive».
The third far-right faction was formed by Germany’s «Alternative for Germany» (AfD) and is called «Europe of Sovereign Nations». They have 25 MEPs. AfD was previously asked to leave the «National Rally» faction after a series of scandals and suspicions of ties with Russia and China.
They are more inclined to create an alternative far-right group that can negotiate for votes with like-minded members from other parties. Naturally, «Alternative for Germany» will be the driving force of this parliamentary group, joined by small far-right groups from Bulgaria, Greece, Romania, Lithuania, Poland, Slovakia, and Hungary.
In any case, such collections of deputies from different countries cannot yet lead to stable alliances, as they will always be concerned about how European initiatives are received in their home countries. This is the third reason: national interests.
Far-right parties always prioritize national interests over international projects and laws. They advocate for national sovereignty and protectionism for their countries. Any attempt at integration or transferring powers to external structures will inevitably face opposition. If one initiative benefits some, it will surely be met with resistance from others.
Returning to the example of Viktor Orbán, he might be a friend of Russia, but in the EU, he is seen as a far-right nationalist, and nothing more. He embodies all the irritating factors: curtailing judicial independence, banning the European community’s beloved LGBT+ rights, controlling the media and turning them into propaganda tools, and accusations of embezzling EU funds, for which Hungary was fined €1.5 billion in 2019. Consequently, the country was recognized as a «partial democracy».
«We are dealing with a model where the state is governed by a far-right government, deeply embedded in EU structures», states a 2024 report by the NGO Freedom House.
Anticipating the reaction of his peers, Orbán avoided negotiating with other factions. Especially since no one was particularly eager to unite with a leader perceived ambiguously within the EU. He decided to transform the existing faction, supported by Le Pen, who secured 30 parliamentary mandates.
This is yet another reason: the international reputation of these parties. They are often associated with extremist movements with radical views and autocratic governance. This makes it challenging for them to form a coalition and risky to propose initiatives at the international level.