Italy sees historic drop in migrant influx
Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni’s migration policy is working. And it seems that Italy is the only European country that can make such a claim. Since migration became Europe’s number one issue, there has been no shortage of ideas and proposals on how to stop the flow. But so far, only the Italians have succeeded, although there’s still a lot to figure out.
The figure is astounding — migration has fallen by 65%! This is a source of great pride not only for Meloni herself but also for her Minister of the Interior, Matteo Piantedosi, who publishes these figures daily on the ministry’s website, like official reports.
It didn’t happen immediately. As early as 2023, the minister admitted in an interview that «the numbers still don’t correspond to the goals set by the government». Indeed, last year saw a record number of people trying to reach Europe — almost four times more than in 2021 and 2022 — at least as far as Italian shores are concerned. And from those shores, whether from Libya or Tunisia, it’s a straight and easy route to Lampedusa.
Meloni’s migration policy consists of five main pillars.
First, a significant tightening of border controls, especially at sea. This was originally Berlusconi’s idea — to seal off the Mediterranean and turn back boats carrying migrants before they even approach Italian waters. This also applies to land borders, although the flows there are different and the surrounding countries are all EU members, except for Switzerland, which remains quiet.
Second, the prime minister began to work closely with the countries where the main flows originated, primarily Tunisia and Libya. Meloni proposed several economically beneficial projects, such as the construction of a gas pipeline from Tunisia to Europe via Italy, which would allow African countries to earn money. In return, they would make efforts not only to curb potential migrants, but also to take back those already apprehended. At present, North African countries (and even more so Central African countries) are reluctant to take back those who have left or tried to leave. In each case, the Europeans have to practically persuade them to take their people back.
Third, the closure or at least strict control of ports for NGOs. Typically, NGOs do everything they can to resist the border services, sometimes even risking their lives to prevent the deportation of migrants who have already docked in Italy. Or they intercept migrants at sea, transfer them to their ships and bring them by the dozens to Italian ports. In one case, the authorities refused to allow the migrants to disembark and they had to be sent to Toulon in France.
The issue of ports has been almost central to the discussion of Italy’s migration policy. The challenge is that several ministries may be responsible for managing the situation, making it difficult to coordinate a unified policy, especially when NGOs persistently propose their own solutions. The choice of interior minister was therefore crucial, and Piantedosi was appointed. He had previously worked with Matteo Salvini and had already established a reputation as a strong proponent of strict anti-migration measures, particularly in the ports. As a result, the coordination of port operations was transferred to the Ministry of the Interior.
Fourth, the asylum rules have been changed — not to relax the criteria, of course. As in any EU country, migrants are primarily seeking benefits, which are usually much higher than what they could earn at home. Meloni’s reform therefore stipulates that the authorities must ensure in each individual case that they are helping someone who is genuinely in need of protection and not an «economic migrant».
Fifth, to integrate those who are already in the country and have the legal right to be here. The emphasis here is that we will, of course, provide you with many training programs, but we will also monitor how well the new residents adhere to Italian laws and traditions. This is a double-edged concept: if all is well — benvenuto (welcome), but if not — arrivederci (goodbye). And under the «not» category, virtually anyone can be classified as having failed to integrate into Italian society.
And there — see point 2, where the authorities work with countries to accept deportees. So far this year, 4,000 people have been returned to Tunisia and 9,000 to Libya. These numbers are likely to increase by the end of the year — the trend is positive.
Meloni has also issued several prime ministerial decrees, such as allowing the deportation of asylum seekers even if they have relatives legally residing in the country — no family reunification. For example, asylum seekers no longer have the right to work. In addition, the refugee reception centers will be located not in Italy but in Albania, where land, including abandoned military sites, has been leased for this purpose.
But all these almost celebratory reports with impressive numbers have a downside. During the same period, migration to Spain increased by 155% and to Greece by 222%!
The situation in the Canary Islands, which belong to Spain, has become catastrophic. Exactly 30 years ago, in August 1994, the first migrant was registered there. Now the archipelago is overwhelmed by migrants. The situation has reached the point where Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez boarded a plane and flew urgently to Mauritania, Senegal and Gambia. He also sent a desperate message to Brussels, asking for help with Spain’s situation and a way to relocate these people.
The Canary Island of El Hierro is now being called the new Lampedusa, the new «gateway to Europe». Meanwhile, a new route is emerging: it leads from Bangladesh by sea to Egypt, and from there across the Mediterranean, as they say — anywhere. And the population of Bangladesh is 165 million. Quite different from Tunisia, to say the least.